Five years after the arrest of commissioner José Manuel Villarejo and the registration of his properties, the internal affairs unit of the police has made available to the judge sufficient documentation to open a new macro-case in which up to 69 different companies could be involved and a volume of money exceeding 30 million euros.
The instructor of Villarejo case, Manuel García-Castellón, opened a separate new piece in a summary that already accumulates more than 30 different cases, five years of investigation and a single trial held for three of these processes.
In this new separate exhibit, the magistrate asked the internal affairs unit of the police to investigate whether the documentation they found corresponds to genuine orders from these private companies in Villarejo, whether the commissioner charged and whether the money seized was declared to the Treasury. by payers. The first court order requires information on eight different Villarejo companies with which he has billed other private companies for his services. The judge is investigating whether the commissioner and the companies that hired him committed the crimes of bribery and leaking secrets.
In the list that Internal Affairs provided the judge with the names of private companies, there are also the names of people and companies that Villarejo spied on because they were adversaries of his clients.
In the list, to which EL PAÍS had access, Oleguer Pujol Ferrusola —son of the former president of the Generalitat Jordi Pujol— appears as being the subject of an investigation in 2013, although the documentation does not specify who appointed Villarejo. On that date, the commissioner told his interlocutors, including certain media, that Oleguer Pujol had become the owner of the PRISA group (editor-in-chief of the newspaper EL PAÍS), which was false, but The world widely publicized at the time.
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In one of these conversations with journalists from a certain communication group, Villarejo accused PRISA and its leaders of various lies: “Wednesday [Juan Luis] Cebrián, what happens is that they did not let me continue, he is up to his ass in the operation of buying all the offices of Banco Santander and his own headquarters by the Pujols. There are three companies there: one of them is taken by the son of Javier de la Rosa with one of the Pujols and the other is a payment that they make to the delinquent of Cebrián, because he gets a commission, the bastard… What happens is when I was in that line, you know how they are… There’s a tiny little lady who already… She texted me to stop… But we can talk about it whenever you want”.
Everything published by The world it turned out to be false: Oleguer Pujol Ferrusola never controlled the company which bought its properties from the PRISA group for 300 million euros; nor, therefore, was he ever its owner; Nor has he accumulated €382 million in assets or managed €2,143 million with his businesses.
Also on the list, as a client of Villarejo, is Alfonso García Pozuelo, one of the businessmen accused of paying illegal commissions to the Gürtel network in exchange for PP government contracts and who is among the donors of the b-box of the party he controlled by former treasurer Luis Bárcenas.
Juan Cotino, who died in 2020 and who was a PP leader who held the position of general director of police in the government of Mariano Rajoy and that of president of the Valencian Parliament, allegedly hired Villarejo in 2015 for 25,000 euros to “recover the investments in the Bank of Madrid”, according to the documentation provided to the judge by the internal affairs unit of the police.
In the list there are construction companies, hotel companies, energy companies, which hired Villarejo or were the subject of his espionage through the private companies with which he did business while he was still in the national police.
Internal Affairs sent a letter to the judge on October 10, in which he also pointed to various documents seized in Villarejo on letters rogatory related to the Gurtel case and other matters that may be affected by official secrets legislation.
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